Arms Dealers Dine as Yemen Starves #StopArming Saudi CAAT banner held by four activists outside a hotel under a mirrored canopy. The mirror reflects policeman in fluorescent jackets.

A humanitarian crisis, created by war

The war in Yemen has created the world’s worst humanitarian crisis. This is an entirely man-made catastrophe. It is a direct result of the devastating war in the country, and the strategies and tactics adopted by the parties to the conflict, especially the Saudi-led Coalition.

Last updated 14 February 2022


The war in Yemen has created the world’s worst humanitarian crisis.

The United Nations Development Programme estimates that, by the end of 2021, 377,000 people had died as a result of the war. Of these, 154,000 were directly due to armed conflict, while the rest – around 223,000, or 59%, were due to indirect causes, such as disease, hunger, and lack of proper medical care, that have followed as a result. A majority of the indirect deaths are believed to be children under the age of 5.

This is an entirely man-made catastrophe. It is a direct result of the devastating war in the country, and the strategies and tactics adopted by the parties to the conflict, especially the Saudi-led Coalition.

Attacks by the Saudi-led coalition have destroyed infrastructure across Yemen. Saudi forces have targeted hospitals, clinics and vaccinations centres. Blockades have starved the population and made it hard for hospitals to get essential medical supplies. After more than five years of war  Yemen’s health system has “almost collapsed.”

This state of affairs is not an arbitrary consequence of war. It is the direct result of how the conflict has been prosecuted by warring parties: with utter disregard for international law and humanitarian norms.

Yemeni-based Mwatana for Human Rights.

There are many ways in which the war and the actions of the parties to the conflict have contributed to Yemen’s humanitarian catastrophe:

  • Displacement of people
  • Destruction of economic infrastructure and the collapse of the economy
  • Collapse of the healthcare system
  • Obstruction of humanitarian aid
  • Blockading of ports and airports
  • Bombing of agriculture and fishing
  • Economic warfare, seeking to manipulate currencies, public salaries, and central bank activities to the benefit of one party or other

The world’s worst humanitarian crisis

20.7 million people – two thirds of Yemen’s population – required humanitarian assistance in January 2022, with 12.1  million in “acute need”, according to the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA).

According to the World Food Programme, at the beginning of 2022, 16.2 million people were “food insecure”, and 2.3 million children under 5, and 1.2 million pregnant and breastfeeding mothers were suffering from acute malnutrition. Five million people were on the brink of famine, with only emergency food aid keeping them alive – while funding for such aid has been severely declining, forcing the WPF to reduce aid rations for those not in the most urgent need.

By the end of 2018, it was confirmed for the first time that nearly one quarter of a million people were facing “catastrophic food consumption gaps”, meeting the official definition of famine, phase 5 on the Integrated Phase Classification (IPC) scale. While a rapid humanitarian response eased the situation somewhat in the most affected areas, in 2022 the WPF reported that famine-like conditions had returned in some areas, affecting nearly 50,000 people.

Even without an official declaration of famine, malnutrition and the diseases that go with it are killers, especially of children and vulnerable people.  In November 2018, Save the Children estimated that 85,000 children may have died of starvation since the start of the war. More recently, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) estimated that in 2021, a child died every nine minutes as a result of the conflict – implying over 58,000 deaths through the year. They estimated that, if conflict were to continue until 2030, another 1.3 million people could die. However, with genuine peace and an integrated recovery strategy, hundreds of thousands of lives could be saved, and Yemen could return to a strong developmental path.

Key statistics


Number of people who have died as a result of war in Yemen

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2.3 million

Children under 5 suffering from acute malnutrition malu

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4 million

Displaced people

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Intensive efforts by the World Food Programme, UN OCHA, and international and Yemeni NGOs are preventing an even worse death toll, but their programs are severely underfunded, with international donor governments falling far short of their promises.

A man-made catastrophe

The starvation in Yemen is an entirely man-made catastrophe, the result of the devastating war in the country, and the strategies and tactics adopted by the parties to the conflict, especially the Saudi-led Coalition.

Some of these strategies suggest the deliberate use of starvation as a weapon of war, which would constitute a war crime.

Displacement of people

4 million people, around 13% of Yemen’s population, are currently displaced, disrupting their livelihoods, sources of income, homes, and communities.

Destruction of economic infrastructure and activity

The war, especially the bombardment by the Saudi-led Coalition, has destroyed factories, roads, bridges, ports, and distribution networks, causing massive bankruptcies and unemployment, while making it much harder to get food and other goods to market.

Production in many areas has been halted by a lack of fuel and supplies, workers have been recruited into armed groups, displaced, injured, and killed.

In 2016, the Saudi-led Coalition gained effective control of the Central Bank of Yemen, which was moved from Houthi-controlled Sana’a to Aden, controlled by the Coalition and its Yemeni allies. It immediately enforced a halt to the payment of government salaries, pensions, and social welfare payments to Houthi controlled areas, drastically impeding the ability of recipients of these payments to buy food.

The Yemeni rial has massively devalued, making imports, on which Yemen is heavily dependent, far more expensive. All this has led to a huge fall in the purchasing power of Yemeni people, making food unaffordable even when it is available.

Collapse of the healthcare system

Yemen’s healthcare system has largely collapsed, due to the frequent bombing of hospitals and other health-care facilities, as well as the general displacement and disruption described above.

This has made it much harder to provide proper medical care to those suffering from the effects of the conflict, and has worsened the spread of disease, to which those suffering from malnutrition are so vulnerable. At the end of 2021, only 50% of health facilities in Yemen were fully functional.

In April 2017, the world’s worst cholera epidemic broke out in Yemen, with an estimated 2 million suspected cases up to August 2019, and 3,500 associated deaths. The epidemic saw a resurgence in 2019. The Saudi-led blockade has also made it far harder for hospitals and clinics to obtain medicines and supplies.

This deadly cholera outbreak is the direct consequence of two years of heavy conflict.

Statement from UNICEF and WHO June 2017

“Collapsing health, water and sanitation systems have cut off 14.5 million people from regular access to clean water and sanitation, increasing the ability of the disease to spread. Rising rates of malnutrition have weakened children’s health and made them more vulnerable to disease. An estimated 30,000 dedicated local health workers who play the largest role in ending this outbreak have not been paid their salaries for nearly 10 months. We urge all authorities inside the country to pay these salaries and, above all, we call on all parties to end this devastating conflict.”

The Saudi coalition blockade

The Saudi-led Coalition controls Yemeni airspace, and has closed Sana’a International Airport to commercial flights since August 2016. As many as 32,000 sick Yemenis may have died by August 2019 due to being unable to leave the country to receive treatment overseas, according to the Norwegian Refugee Council, while hospitals have been unable to obtain supplies, or faced much higher prices.

The Coalition has also imposed a partial blockade on Yemeni ports under Houthi control, on the pretext of preventing the smuggling of arms to the Houthis. For 16 days in November 2017, the Saudis and their allies imposed a complete blockade on all Yemen’s ports, threatening immediate catastrophe, though they were persuaded to lift this through international pressure.

This blockade has been described by UN human rights experts as constituting collective punishment, a war crime.

Nonetheless, despite the setting up in 2016 of a UN Verification and Inspection Mechanism for Yemen (UNVIM) to inspect incoming vessels for weapons and other illicit goods, Saudi Arabia has insisted on imposing its own additional inspections. Thus, they routinely stop and board vessels, sometimes diverting them to their own ports, and often imposing long delays, sometimes refusing permission to land altogether.

Amnesty International described this policy as placing a stranglehold on Yemen in July 2018, and these practices have continued up to the present day. As a result, while humanitarian supplies are eventually allowed to arrive, the ability of Yemen to import food – the country imported 90% of its food supplies before the war – has been severely reduced.

The Coalition’s military assault on Yemen’s chief port of Al Hudaydah in 2018 also severely impeded food and fuel supplies, and led to the displacement of tens of thousands of people, until the December 2018 Stockholm Agreement led to a ceasefire. The situation with fuel is even worse, as the Coalition has closed the key marine oil terminal of Ras Isa.

Obstruction of humanitarian aid

The Houthi forces, who control the Yemeni capital Sana’a, and most of the north-west of the country are also deeply responsible for the humanitarian crisis. According to a Mwatana report, they have frequently arrested and intimidated humanitarian workers, blocked aid convoys and illegally seized the property of humanitarian organizations and workers. They have also made widespread use of landmines, further impeding humanitarian access.

Armed groups have taken supplies for their own use, or required bribes to allow deliveries through. This has prevented aid from reaching those who need it most. In one World Food Programme survey in food distribution centres in Sana’a in 2019 for example, 60% of intended beneficiaries said they had received no food aid. WFP staff and independent monitors have been blocked from making monitoring visits. As a result of these obstructions, the WPF partially suspended aid deliveries to Houthi-controlled areas in June 2019.

Destroying the means of life

One of the most insidious strategies of the Saudi-led coalition in pursuing their war in Yemen is to destroy the economic and social foundations of society in Houthi-held areas by targeting key infrastructure, civilian factories, and even the very means of sustaining life, by targeting agriculture and food production and distribution.

Once we control them, then we will feed them

Anonymous Saudi Diplomat, from Strategies of the Coalition in the Yemen War by Martha Mundy

Transport infrastructure have been repeatedly targeted, which has increased the difficulty of distributing food and fuel supplies around the country, a key contributing factor to the famine-like conditions in Yemen.

Such attacks on civilian infrastructure, even where there are no direct civilian casualties, are clear violations of International Humanitarian Law.

Perhaps most shocking is the deliberate targeting of agricultural, food and water facilities. A report in 2021 by Mwatana, Starvation Makers, found that the Saudi-led coalition carried out:

…A pattern of repetitive attacks on similar OIS [objects indispensable for survival], e.g. on farms, water facilities and artisanal fishing boats and equipment, and on other types of OIS, including food markets, means of transporting food and water, and food and water storage and production facilities.

Many of the water facilities were attacked multiple times by airstrikes, sometimes after they had been rebuilt or repaired.

A 2018 report by Martha Mundy and World Peace Foundation catalogues the systematic targeting by the Coalition of agricultural land, animals and animal farms, agriculture and irrigation offices, markets, water infrastructure, and transport infrastructure. This has led to a major drop in agricultural production in many areas.

The very small proportion of Yemen’s land area devoted to agriculture – less than 3% &nsash; makes it hard to see such attacks as accidental. Moreover, there are cases where vital facilities such as irrigation works have been repeatedly attacked, again strong evidence of deliberate targeting. In the key port city of Al Huydaydah, food warehouses and distribution centres, a flour mill, and other food production and distribution facilities have been bombed.

Meanwhile, along the Red Sea coast, fishing ports and boats have been frequent targets of attack. Between March 2015 and July 2018, 71 airstrikes targeted fisheries. By the end of 2017, these strikes had destroyed 222 boats and killed 146 fishermen.

These attacks have greatly harmed Yemen’s ability to produce food, at the same time as the partial blockade of Yemen’s ports by Saudi Arabia, restricting food imports, have all contributed to the current humanitarian crisis. Mwatana, international legal NGO Global Rights Compliance, and others, have concluded that both the Saudi-led coalition and the Houthis are guilty of the deliberate use of starvation as a weapon of war – which would constitute a war crime.

One Saudi diplomat, interviewed off the record about the threat of starvation in Yemen, responded: “Once we control them, then we will feed them”.


Food Not Arms embroidered banner hanging from a pipe; cops out of focus behind

Starvation Makers

Report by Mwatana from 2021 on the use of starvation as a weapon of war by all parties to the conflict

Picture of ruined medical facility and caption I ripped the IV out and started running attacks on Health Care in Yemen.

Attacks on healthcare in Yemen

Mwatana and Physicians for Human Rights document 120 violent attacks on medical facilities and health workers carried out by warring parties in Yemen

Explosion at top of buidling in Sanaa with title Strategies of Yemen War, aerial bombardment and food war

Strategies of the Coalition

This report from the World Peace Foundation catalogues the systematic targeting by the Coalition of agricultural land, animals and animal farms, agriculture and irrigation offices, markets, water infrastructure, and transport infrastructure.

UK complicity

The Saudi-led war in Yemen would not be possible without arms and ongoing support from the US, the UK, and other arms suppliers.

Royal Saudi fighter jet, picture of pilot under canopy. Decals on jet say God Bless You and Royal Sau in Arabic and English

Photo by Clément Alloing, CC BY-NC-ND

UK arms to Saudi Arabia

The UK has continued to support air strikes by Saudi Arabia and its coalition partners in Yemen, in spite of overwhelming evidence of repeated breaches of international humanitarian law by the coalition.

Storm Shadow missile parts found in Yemen

Photo by Hussain Albukhaiti on Twitter

UK arms used in Yemen

The UK government admits that Saudi Arabia has used UK weapons, made by companies around the UK, in its attacks on Yemen.

A destroyed house in Sanaa with crowd of rescuers in front

Photo by Ibrahem Qasim, CC BY-SA

The war on Yemen’s civilians

The war in Yemen has killed an estimated 377,000 people through direct and indirect causes. Over 150,000, including tens of thousands of civilians, have been killed in fighting, including the Saudi-led bombing campaign, while many more have died of hunger and disease in the humanitarian crisis caused by the war.

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